Writ and Liberty
After hearing of the Supreme Court’s decision regarding detainee’s rights at Guantanamo Naval Station I decided it was time to read their opinion. No, I have not read the entire 125 page document. I just finished reading the eight page syllabus. For those that are living under a rock, the detainees at Guantanamo Bay have been held there without the entitlement of the Writ. This basically means that they have not been given the opportunity to question the legality of their imprisonment. As a result, many of the detainees are held there indefinitely. Now, this is a gross oversimplification. There are many other factors at play such as the location of the detention center, it’s status as a territory, the citizenship of the detainees and their status as “enemy combatants”. Based on these and other factors the court ruled that the detainee’s rights to the Writ cannot be suspended. I have to say at first, because of the “at war” considerations, I thought this was a bad decision. After reading, some reflection and a few interesting conversations I now think this was a good decisions. It is, of course, not without difficulties, but the decision heads in the appropriate direction.
One of the main themes touched on in the Syllabus is the Writ’s ability to ensure individual liberty. If the conditions by which the Writ may be suspended are broadened our liberties will have been significantly curtailed.
That the Framers considered the writ a vital instrument for the protection of individual liberty is evident from the care taken in the Suspension Clause to specify the limited grounds for its suspension: The writ may be suspended only when public safety requires it in times of rebellion or invasion.
The problem is that the Guantanomo scenario is unique. Some argue that because Guantanamo isn’t a United States territory that the Constitution has little influence or power. The Court does agree that this uniqueness presents challenges for effectively resolving the dilemma.
None of the cases the parties cite reveal whether a common-law court would have granted, or refused to hear for lack of jurisdiction, a habeas petition by a prisoner deemed an enemy combatant, under a standard like the Defense De- partment’s in these cases, and when held in a territory, like Guantanamo, over which the Government has total military and civil control.
The Court, thankfully, does not agree that the location of the detention center determines where and when the Constitution applies. We cannot simply claim that because Cuba is sovereign over Guantanamo that we must obviate the entitlements to the Writ.
but it does not accept the Government’s premise that de jure sovereignty is the touchstone of habeas jurisdiction.
Furthermore, to draw a clear line in the sand, it is not the place of the Executive or Legislative branches to determine where the law should be applied.
The Constitution grants Congress and the President the power to acquire, dispose of, and govern territory, not the power to decide when and where its terms apply. To hold that the political branches may switch the Constitution on or off at will would lead to a regime in which they, not this Court, say “what the law is.”
The Court, through the Syllabus, understands that there are other considerations when extended the entitlements to Writ to detainees. “Due process” in this context takes time. It may be the case that the governement and/or military have very good reasons for detaining individuals. At the end of the day, at some reasonable point in time and in this context they must be allowed to understand why they are being held.
This holding should not be read to imply that a habeas court should intervene the moment an enemy combatant steps foot in a territory where the writ runs.
I think the Court understands the complexity of the situation. This isn’t a straight-forward case of a citizen being withheld certain rights. This isn’t a straigh-forward case of detention on U.S. soil. There are aspects terrorism, intelligence information, “aliens” that are intertwined in this case. We have to protect the country from foreign hostilities, but it cannot come at the expense of the liberty of citizens or, worse still, at the expense of our countries heritage of preserving liberty through due process.
In considering both the procedural and substantive standards used to impose detention to prevent acts of terrorism, the courts must accord proper deference to the political branches. However, security subsists, too, in fidelity to freedom’s first principles, chief among them being freedom from arbitrary and unlawful restraint and the personal liberty that is secured by adherence to the separation of powers.





